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A philosophical analysis of Donald Trump

5/30/2016

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POLITICS
Lioui Benhamou
If you could bring a historical figure to today's world, and could talk with him or her, who would you choose? 

I would choose a philosopher, most probably Plato. And if I could talk with Plato about our world, there is one thing about which he wouldn't be shocked: the rise of Donald Trump. Indeed, Plato was against democracy because he thought it would automatically lead to a reign, not of rationality, but one based on popularity and the ability of getting elected. This, he though, would lead to tyranny. It would lead to a government where emotions would take over careful analysis, where bad policies would be created, and where wars that could have been entirely avoided would be fought.

If I could bring back Plato, he would certainly be amazed by our progress in science, but not in politics. His analysis on the weaknesses of democracy is still confirmed today at every speech Trump makes. Plato would be amazed that we still make the same mistakes, and still give more attention to the best rhetoric as opposed to the best reasoning (or rather more depressed than amazed).

Is the rise of Donald Trump a justification for Plato’s argument that democracy is not a good way of running a country? As I am writing these lines, Trump is the only likely candidate to be the nominee of the Republican Party in the upcoming American presidential election. I consider that because Trump is so close to being elected President of the most powerful country in the world, then Plato’s argument can be seen as valid.

To ask this question is to ask what argument is best for the justification of democracy. While Plato would argue that political freedom is when a government makes good decisions, other philosophers, such as John Stuart Mill, argue that political freedom is achieved when you can live how you choose to, regardless of whether your decision is the best rationally speaking. And if you think like Mill, then Donald Trump’s rise is unfortunately justified and legitimate.

American society is changing. The empire created by European immigration is now in a process of transformation, with one of its main consequences being the creation of a white minority by 2050. Because people react strongly to this change, they forget the common good and tend toward an easy, racist and emotional discourse made of catchy slogans with no political reflection sustaining them. People are often incompetent and irrational; even though information is available, few are those who do research. Because of this, people vote for what appears to them as being the best alternative.

Arguably, appearances end up driving political choices. As Hanna Arendt argues “appearance – something that is being seen and heard by others as well as by ourselves – constitutes reality”. That is something that Donald Trump understands. He knows how to sell himself to the voters, using simple language and good rhetoric. Trump has lied many times in public and is often fact-check to be wrong, sometimes shifting his opinions until he finds the most popular one. But people, at least those who vote for him, don't care.

People are autonomous, a factor which, according to Stuart Mill, is essential to human wellbeing. They choose their own reality. That reality is dark, and shows the United States as a force which should demonstrate power as humanity has done before in 1961 in Berlin, in 122 AD in Britannia or in 220 BCE in China – by building a wall.

Thus democracy is possibly a “rule by ignorance”, as Plato argues. However, that implies that there is a moral good that can be known by reasoning. But we can doubt there is one – at the very least, it is hard to define. Is a moral good what is best for the people, or what the people want? And even if we consider both answers to be true, isn’t the people who we should be asking this to? Those problems are at the heart of political theory.

So can we blame democracy alone for the rise of Donald Trump? If he can keep elected with the democratic process, is that because of democracy itself?

Certainly not. The real problem lies in the image Americans have of their country, a falling empire, to which they wish to give it the status it used to have. Coupled with a society of image and media sensationalism, here you have it: Donald Trump.

His election would undoubtedly be a bad idea. But if in November he ends up getting elected, then we should not blame democracy, but the system and society in which democracy take place in the United States.

Lioui Benhamou is a first-year Politics and International Relations student at the University of Manchester
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Labour, anti-Semitism and the freedom of speech: a Jewish student's perspective

5/10/2016

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POLITICS
Lioui Benhamou
Take it from a “Jewish” (not religiously but culturally), and a politics student: yes, anti-Zionism is anti-Semitism. In this article, I will try to explain why; while considering how precise someone who wishes to critique the state of Israel should be.

As students, we have a deep consideration for the subjects we are doing and understand how important they truly are. We understand the reach they have. While this is valid for all subjects, it is especially so for history. In history, the aim of the discipline is to answer three main questions: who are we? Where do we come from? And where are we going?

Every time someone is referring to history without quoting any serious sources, the chances are that the person’s agenda is to persuade you of his or her claims, to influence your responses to one of those three fundamental questions of history. And that is why Ken Livingstone's recent comment, saying that “when Hitler won the election in 1932, his policy was that Jews should be moved to Israel", is not only false, but dangerous. 

Rewriting history is not a detail, it is an attack on who we are, as members of humanity. It is possible that Ken was thinking he was just telling the truth and honestly did not know, which would mean what he never got the chance to have a proper history lesson on the matter. But obviously, that is something that we can doubt. 

Even worse than Ken Livingstone’s comment is the recently reported situation where a political leader such as Naz Shah implies that Israelis could be deported to the United States. And deportation was indeed an idea of the Nazi party for some time – it was called the Madagascar plan, in case you are wondering. But even if Shah’s claim wasn't “serious”, it is insulting. Imagine that someone from the United Kingdom claimed that the United States wasn't legitimate to control its territory anymore, and that the Americans should give it back to the British or the Indians, and that Americans should be deported somewhere else. That would be insulting to Americans, of course.

The same principle applies in the case of Israel. What most people don't get is that anti-Zionism used to be a political opinion, before the declaration of the State of Israel, but now being anti-Zionist is equal to insulting 8 million people who live in their country. Having such a strong opinion is equal to denying the right of existence of a state that existed for 70 years, which is an insult to that state. And because most of those people are indeed Jewish, and the state itself is a Jewish state, it is equal to anti-Semitism. It is anti-Semitism because when someone tells me that the state of Israel shouldn't exist, I don't feel insulted because I'm French, a student or a Mancunian, I feel insulted because I'm Jewish; because my link to the State of Israel is due to my link to the Jewish community. Because I know people there, because of that link.

I would also like to address the mixture of criticism of the state of Israel and freedom of speech. Most of us can agree that the state of Israel is sometimes at fault. The politics implemented to assure Israeli interests are driven by a systematic and progressive occupation of the remaining Palestinian territories. Even if Netanyahu recently declared that he wants “a peaceful, sustainable two-state solution”, we are still waiting for clear actions that demonstrate that. 

And of course we should address those problems, but with as much intelligence as we would for any other international issues. While as individuals we can think and say everything, we need to be more critical towards our political elite. History is what it is. And our political elite need to acknowledge it and make the distinction between having a political opinion and making claims that would insult a group of people. 

For the case of Israel, the political spectrum is often divided between Post-Zionism and Neo-Zionism, movements that are relatively recent and still developing. These movements have built the right debate: the state of Israel is here, so what should we do now regarding the Palestinian population? 

Personally, I would argue for a two-state solution, but I don't claim to know enough to be able to answer every question on the subject. If you are looking for a good resume of the history of the Israeli-Palestine conflict, “The Israel-Palestine conflict: a brief, simple history” by Vox is a great, complete and unbiased short video.

What is clear is to me in this issue, is that there is a debate to have. And we should not let our passions get in the way of our reasoning.


Lioui Benhamou is a first-year Politics and International Relations student at the University of Manchester

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Being a Frenchman in Manchester on November 13, 2015

11/15/2015

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FRANCE
Lioui Benhamou
I remember walking around Paris just after the Charlie Hebdo events earlier this year, feeling the general sadness as I paced the streets. Living near Paris, loving the humour of Charlie Hebdo and being from a Jewish family meant that those events affected me deeply. I remember taking the train and seeing for the first time people talking to each other, complete strangers having conversations like friends would, even if for less than 10 minutes. Those moments were important. It was important to talk to anyone and everyone so we could move on, so we could at least keep company to each other.
 
When I woke up this morning, with the same weird "hangover" I had after Charlie, I knew that this time I would be alone. Now that I live in Manchester, I knew people would not feel affected as much as I do. Proof of that came right away when my English flatmate just said "Hi" to me in the morning as casually as ever.
 
But why should I blame anyone? I do not want to play the victim especially when I am lucky enough that no one I know got killed. For that reason, when I went out to Poundland to buy something to drink and eat for the day, I did not expect anything. In the queue, I overheard an old lady saying to the cashier "it's horrible" but I was feeling too weird to put in the effort to understand anything else.
 
Then my turn comes and the cashier says: "And you sir are you alright?"

"Yes thank you," I answer in my French accent, which the cashier is quick to pick up on.

"Oh you're French aren't you?"

"Yes indeed."

"Sorry for what happened. Really, I hope you and your relatives are fine."
 
The conversation was as brief as that. But thank you, anonymous cashier at Poundland, for being such an amazing human being. Because when facing terrorism, the best answer we have is not arms. It is not waging wars against an enemy we don't fully know or understand and it is not being afraid for the security of our countries. The best answer we can have is exactly the one this cashier reminded me of: solidarity and unity.
 
I'm proud to be French when I hear that taxis were getting people home for free last night and that Parisians opened their home to anyone in need. And I'm proud to live in Manchester when I talked to this cashier. I hope you all will feel something similar at some point. Because deep down, you will know that yesterday’s tragedy is not something that should tear us apart. It is something that should bring us even closer together.
 
Lioui Benhamou is from France. He is a first-year Politics and International Relations student at the University of Manchester.

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